[854] Mirantibus seems to mean that Aeneas and the Sibyl are already penetrated by the grandeur of the vision and the prophecy, and so indicates, as has been remarked to me, Virg.'s own sense of the greatness of the elevation attained in the preceding passage.
[855] Marcellus is of course singled out for the sake of his namesake and descendant, soon to be mentioned. ‘Spoliis opimis,’ won from the general of the Insubrian Gauls Viridomarus.
[856] “Gradiensque deas supereminet omnis” 1. 501, where ‘deas’ is supported against ‘dea’ by ‘viros’ here.
[857] Res Romana occurs twice in Enn., Ann. fr. inc. 10, 41. “Subito turbante tumultu” 9. 397. ‘Tumultus’ is here used in its technical sense of a Gallic war, for which see the celebrated passage Cic. 8 Phil. 1.
[858] Sistet, ὀρθώσει, opposed to the shaking of the ‘tumultus.’ “Salvam ac sospitem rem publicam sistere in sua sede liceat . . . ut optumi status auctor dicar” is quoted from an edict of Augustus by Suet. Aug. 28. Comp. also the phrase “nec sisti posse,” common in Livy (3. 9, 16, 20 &c.). So the epithet ‘stator,’ which was used not only of Jupiter as the stayer of flight (Livy 1. 12, comp. by Forb.), but of Jupiter and other gods as supporters of Rome. “Auctor ac stator Romani nominis, Gradive Mars” Vell. 2. 131. It is not altogether easy to say whether ‘eques’ should go with ‘sistet’ or with ‘sternet.’ The combat in which Marcellus gained the ‘spolia opima’ was a combat of cavalry (Dict. B. ‘Marcellus’): and though ‘sternet,’ as Wagn. remarks, goes more naturally with ‘eques’ than ‘sistet,’ it does not seem certain that Marcellus' advantages against the Carthaginians had any special connexion with cavalry. Gossrau however refers to Sil. 12. 178 foll., who speaks as if the sally from Nola, memorable as the first success obtained against Hannibal, were chiefly one of cavalry: but this does not specially appear in the account in Livy 23. 16. If we take ‘eques’ with ‘sternet,’ we shall do right to connect them closely, with Henry, ‘ride over,’ καθιππάζεσθαι. Rom. has ‘equis.’ ‘Rebellem:’ the Insubrian Gauls had sued for peace, but their overtures were rejected: upon which they combined with another tribe, the Gaesatae, took the field in great force, and laid siege to Clastidium, where the battle happened.
[859] There is a difficulty about ‘suspendet patri Quirino,’ as the story was that Romulus, the author of the custom, dedicated the first ‘spolia opima’ to Jupiter Feretrius. Serv. explains it by referring to a law of Numa's, which is said to have enjoined that on the first winning of ‘spolia opima’ they should be offered to Jupiter Feretrius, as had been already done by Romulus; on the second to Mars, which was done by Cossus; on the third to Quirinus. Livy however, 3. 20, distinctly speaks of the ‘spolia opima’ of Cossus as dedicated to Jupiter Feretrius: and Prop. 5. 10. 45 talks of “spolia in templo tria condita.” Serv. proposes as an alternative to separate ‘patri’ from ‘Quirino,’ taking ‘patri’ of Jupiter, and connecting ‘capta Quirino,’ formerly won by Romulus, which is sufficiently unlikely. For ‘tertia’ Rom. has ‘tristia.’
[860] Una, with Marcellus.
[861] “Egregii forma” 10. 435. Fragm. Vat. has ‘formam.’ It matters little whether ‘fulgentibus armis’ goes with ‘egregium’ or is taken separately.
[862] The construction is changed for variety's sake. ‘Frons laeta parum,’ saddened with the presage of death. Comp. v. 866 below. ‘Deiecto lumina voltu,’ a pleonastic variety for ‘lumina deiecta’ or ‘voltus deiectus.’
[863] Sic seems merely to mean ‘thus as we see.’ To interpret it with Forb. “tam tristi specie” would anticipate v. 866.
[864] ‘De stirpe’ with ‘nepotum.’ “Praeclare stirpe deorum” G. 4. 322.
[865] Qui, which was restored by Heins., but removed by Wagn., is found in Pal., fragm. Vat. a m. pr., ‘quis’ in Med., Rom. Sense as well as euphony seems to be in favour of ‘qui,’ as it is not an interrogation that is wanted, but an exclamation. ‘Comitum,’ the shades of young Marcellus' future contemporaries crowd round him admiring and applauding. Heyne comp. Eur. Phoen. 148, ὡς ὄχλος νιν ὑστέρῳ ποδὶ ΙΙάνοπλος ἀμφέπει, where Antigone is asking the names of the invading generals, and commenting on them as she sees them, and the imitation of Virg. in Sil. 13. 782 (speaking of the shade of Homer) “multaeque sequuntur Mirantes animae, et laeto clamore frequentant.” Henry has a note on ‘instar,’ in which he attempts to prove that the word never means any thing but ‘amount.’ He appears to be right in regarding it as to some extent parallel with ‘modus,’ comparing Ammian. 15. 1, “Ambitus terrae. . . ad magnitudinem universitatis instar brevis obtinet puncti,” with Macrob. Somn. Scip. 1. 16, “Physici terram ad magnitudinem circi per quem volvitur sol puncti modum obtinere docuere,” just as Gell. 2. 6 virtually explains it by ‘finis,’ “Inculpatus autem instar est absolutae virtutis: inlaudatus quoque igitur finis est extremae malitiae.” But the same word may have many shades of meaning, as might be shown in the case of ‘modus’ itself, though all of course flow from a single notion. In the case of ‘instar’ it seems probable from the appearance of the word that the original notion was something like ‘standard.’ This will explain all the instances where it is used with the gen. in the sense of resemblance (comp. “ad modum”). There seems no doubt that in some passages (e.g. Suet. Caes. 61, “cuius etiam instar pro aede Veneris genetricis dedicavit”) it means a representation, but it does not appear that there is any trace of this earlier than Livy, so that we need not assume it to be the original notion of the word, at the same time that we can quite account for it as a meaning that may have been attached to it in subsequent usage. Here then it might possibly be taken with Serv. &c. in the sense of ‘similitudo.’ It is to be observed however that Virg. elsewhere uses the word in connexion with size (2. 15., 3. 637., 7. 707), so that I would rather suppose the meaning to be, with Heyne, ‘how commanding is his presence,’ which is besides suggested by the context. ‘Ipso’ is evidently meant to distinguish him from those about him, so that we should expect some attribute of distinction to be predicated of him, not simple similarity to his ancestor. Heyne edited ‘ipso est,’ the reading before Heins., but all the best MSS. omit the verb subst.
[866] Partially repeated from 2. 360. Heyne comp. the words of Theoclymenus to the suitors, Od. 20. 351, ἆ δειλοί, τί κακὸν τόδε πάσχετε; νυκτὶ μὲνὑμέων Εἰλύαται κεφαλαί τε πρόσωπά τε νέρθε τε γοῦνα, where as here the image is that of approaching death.
[867] Ingressus 4. 107. It matters little whether it be taken here as a participle or as a finite verb.
[868] Wagn. restored ‘gnate’ from Med., agreeably to his opinion that Virg. prefers the archaic spelling in solemn passages, and I have not thought it worth while to disturb it, though fragm. Vat., Pal., Rom., and Gud. have ‘nate.’ ‘Tuorum’ like ‘suorum’ above v. 681. For the well-known story about these lines see vol. i. p. xx (Life of Virgil).
[869] Peerlkamp comp. Tac. Agr. 13, “D. Iulius potest videri (Britanniam) ostendisse posteris, non tradidisse.” For ‘neque’ Med. and Rom. give ‘nec,’ which was the reading of Heins. ‘Ultra,’ beyond this mere glimpse. Marcellus was in his twentieth year when he died.
[870] “Sit Romana potens Itala virtute propago” 12. 827. The construction seems to be ‘Romana propago visa (est) nimium potens (futura fuisse).’
[871] Rom. has ‘Superis,’ only one of many errors that occur in it in this part of the book. ‘Propria,’ note on E. 7. 31. ‘Had it been allowed to call these gifts all its own.’ Taubm. has an unseasonable reminiscence of logic, “propria, id est, perpetua: . . . proprium enim numquam avellitur ab essentia.”
[872] Virum with ‘gemitus.’ ‘Mavortis’ seems as if it might go both with ‘urbem’ (comp. “Mavortia moenia” 1. 276) and with ‘campus,’ a double reference which is perhaps less common in Virg. than in Horace. Comp. G. 1. 273.
[873] Aget gemitus, shall send forth groans, like “spumas aget” G. 3. 203, comp. by Forb., perhaps with an accessory notion of celebration (“agere triumphum” &c.), which is Heyne's suggestion. The mourning for Marcellus is described by Dion 53. 30 foll.
[874] Funera for ‘funus’ as in 4. 500, doubtless to enhance the dignity of the thought. There were 600 couches in Marcellus' funeral procession. ‘Tumulum recentem,’ the mausoleum which Augustus had erected in the Campus Martius for the Julian family five years before.
[875] Latinos avos, the shades of the heroes of Latium or Lavinium, who are supposed either to look forward to the future glory of one who is now a shade along with them, or to be conscious while he is on earth and they themselves in darkness. The future ‘tollet’ seems in favour of the latter. We may suppose them to inquire about him from new comers, as Agamemnon in Od. 11 inquires about Orestes. Virg. has adroitly varied his expression, so as to make us think in this sentence of the ancestors of the Romans, Trojan or Latin, in the next of Rome itself.
[876] With ‘spe tollet’ Heyne comp. ἐλπίσιν ἐπαίρειν. ‘Spe’ might be conceivably understood as a gen., like ‘fide’ &c., but no instance of the form is quoted. Rom. has ‘spes.’ ‘Romula tellus’ like “Romulae gentis” Hor. 4 Od. 5. 1. The form of the noun is used as an adj.: see on “cineri Sychaeo” 4. 552.
[878] Pietas, to gods and men, referring perhaps specially to his relation to Augustus. ‘Prisca fides:’ Gossrau comp. Hor. Carm. Saec. 57, “Iam Fides et Pax et Honos Pudorque Priscus et neglecta redire Virtus Audet,” and reminds us from 1. 292 above that Augustus wished to be regarded as the restorer of ancient virtues. “Vivida bello dextra” 10. 609. Virg. as Henry remarks, lamenting the budding virtues which are never to blossom.
[879] No one would have been his match in fight, had he been destined to live. “Obvius ardenti sese obtulit” 10. 552. ‘Quisquam se’ was the order before Heins.
[880] Perhaps from Od. 9. 49, ἐπιστάμενοι μὲν ἀφ᾽ ἵππων Ἀνδράσι μάρνασθαι, καὶ ὅθι χρὴ πεζὸν ἐόντα. “Pedes ire” 7. 624., 10. 453.
[881] Instead of repeating ‘cum,’ Virg. has chosen to express himself differently, as if the doubt expressed by ‘seu’ were about the fact of Marcellus fighting on horseback. Comp. Hor. A. P. 63 foll. “sive receptus Terra Neptunus classis Aquilonibus arcet” &c. ‘Armos’ seems to be used widely for the flank.
[882] “Miserande puer” 10. 825., 11. 42. Henry rightly prefers the old pointing to Wagner's, who makes ‘si qua—rumpas’ a wish. The sense clearly is, ‘if you can overcome your destiny, you shall be Marcellus.’ ‘Rumpere fata’ like ‘rumpere legem,’ ‘foedus’ &c. Comp. generally “si quem Numina laeva sinunt” G. 4. 6.
[883] Tu Marcellus eris implies, as Henry thinks, that the youth is not Marcellus yet, but only his promise: but it is also meant to include all the glories of the family, as if we were to say ‘You shall be a true Marcellus.’ ‘Date—spargam’ &c. See on 4. 683. The sense here, as Wagn. remarks, is probably the same as if he had written “date lilia ut spargam flores,” the lilies and the ‘purpurei flores’ being identical. Gossrau makes ‘date’ parenthetical, taking ‘manibus lilia plenis’ with ‘spargam,’ which is of course out of the question. “Dant fruges manibus salsas” 12. 173, where as here ‘manibus’ is abl., not, as in 1. 701, dative.
[884] Purpureos may either be understood generally as bright (see on E. 5. 38), or in its strict sense, as Pliny 21. 5 says, “sunt et purpurea lilia.” “Purpureos flores” 5. 79 (note), which also illustrates the custom. ‘Nepotis’ is of course used vaguely.
[885] “Acesten Muneribus cumulat” 5. 531. Comp. also 11. 25, “egregias animas . . . decorate supremis Muneribus,” and with the feeling expressed in ‘saltem’ ib. 23, “qui solus honos Acheronte sub imo est,” Hom.'s τὸ γὰρ γέρας ἐστὶ θανόν- των. Virg. may have thought of Eur. Iph. Aul. 1239, ἵν᾽ ἀλλὰ τοῦτο κατθανοῦσ᾽ ἔχω σέθεν Μνημεῖον. ‘Munus’ of funeral rites G. 4. 520, &c. ‘Inani munere’ like “vano honore” 11. 52. Anchises identifies himself with Augustus and those who are conducting the funeral of Marcellus on earth.
[886-901] ‘Anchises explains to Aeneas what awaits him in Italy, and then dismisses him and the Sibyl through one of the gates of sleep. Aeneas sails to Caieta.’
[887] Aeris with ‘campis,’ not, as Forb., following Ruhkopf, thinks, with ‘regione.’ W. Ribbeck cites Auson. Cupido Crucifixus v. 1, “Aeris in campis, memorat quos Musa Maronis.” It seems to be a general expression for the place of the dead, “the shadowy plains,” ‘aer’ probably including the notion of mist as well as of air. Elsewhere Elysium has aether and light, as the rest of the infernal regions have darkness: here a neutral word is chosen. Stat. Silv. 5. 3. 286 seems to have taken it exclusively of the Elysian fields, “Et monstrate nemus, quo nulla inrupit Erinys, In quo falsa dies caeloque simillimus aer.”
[888] “Perque omnia duxit” v. 565 above.
[889] Med. has ‘famae melioris amore,’ evidently from 4. 221, an error which takes away from its authority in such passages as v. 806 (see note there). ‘Venientis,’ in the future. He was to be inspired with a passion for the long line of historic glories which depended on his valour in Italy. Comp. vv. 718, 806., 4. 232.
[890] Viro is introduced for the sake of the juxtaposition with ‘bella.’ ‘Deinde’ from this time, v. 756. Here and in the next two lines Virg. almost repeats 3. 458, 459, the difference being that there the Sibyl is to tell Aeneas what here he learns from Anchises. See note there.
[891] Populos of the single Laurentian nation, perhaps with reference to the many nations of Italy, 3. 458, &c. For the Laurentes see 7. 63. “Urbem Latini” 12. 137.
