[302] The reading before Heins. was ‘quidem.’ ‘Summa de re:’ see on 2. 322. ‘(Nos) statuisse,’ as we should say, to have come to some conclusion.
[303] Fuerat virtually i. q. “fuisset.”
[304] Adsidet Pal., Rom., Gud., ‘obsidet’ Med. and two of Ribbeck's cursives, which, as Heyne remarks, is less likely, being the commoner word. ‘Adsidere’ with acc. seems chiefly found in post-Augustan writers: Priscian however, p. 830 P, quotes a fragment from Sall. Hist. book 4 (c. 42 Dietsch), “Amisumque adsideri sine proeliis audiebat.”
[305] Inportunum: see on G. 1. 470. ‘Gente deorum’ seems to refer not to Aeneas alone, as Heyne thinks, but to the Trojans generally, as Serv. explains it, “qui a dis originem ducunt,” his followers being characterized, as elsewhere, in the same way as their leader. “Deum gens” 10. 228.
[306] Invictis is explained by ‘nec victi possunt absistere ferro,’ as Serv. remarks, quoting Enn. A. fr. inc. 35, “qui vincit non est victor nisi victu' fatetur.”
[307] Ribbeck puts a colon after ‘proelia,’ so as to disconnect ‘nec—ferro’ from the relative clause, which seems gratuitous and improbable. ‘Possunt,’ as if their nature would not allow them even if they wished. “Cedite ferro” 9. 620. For the character of the Trojans here given comp. 7. 293 foll., and the character of the Romans supposed to be given by Hannibal, Hor. 4 Od. 4. 50 foll., Livy 27. 14, comp. by Cerda.
[308] Adscitis armis i. q. “adsciscendo arma.” ‘Accitis,’ the reading before Heins., is found in none of Ribbeck's MSS.
[309] The unusual shortening of the vowel before ‘sp’ seems to be excused, as Wagn. maintains after Herm. Elem. Doctr. Metr. p. 63, by the pause in the verse. It matters little whether we supply “est” after ‘spes,’ or, with Serv., “sit.” Latinus tells them they have nothing to trust to but themselves, and that is not much to boast of. The grammarians who quote the line (see Ribbeck's list) generally take ‘spes sibi quisque’ with ‘ponite:’ but then we should have expected ‘spem,’ and the sense too would be feeble. Burgess on Dawes, Misc. Crit. p. 6, and Porson thought the words after ‘pointe’ spurious.
[310] Cetera with ‘rerum.’ Latinus seems to mean that as for their other misfortunes, besides that of missing the alliance with Diomede, they are known to all, and he need not dwell on them. Rom. has ‘quae.’
[311] Sunt omnia is attracted to agree with ‘cetera,’ the regular construction being “Qua ruina iaceant cetera, est omnino ante oculos” &c. The sight and touch are mentioned as the two most convincing means of proof, as Lucr. 5.102 calls them. ‘Inter manus’ 8. 619, i. q. “in manibus:” see Forc. Serv. comp. προχείρως.
[312] Quemquam glancing at Turnus, as Serv. remarks. “Nec quemquam fugio” E. 3. 53. ‘Plurima,’ like “tua plurima pietas” 2. 429, perhaps chosen instead of “maxuma” to express many acts of valour, and so to extend the praise as widely as possible. “Virtus fuit tam multa quam plurima esse potuit.”
[313] Fuit merely the verb. subst., not, as Serv. thinks, i. q. “exhausta et consumpta est.” ‘Corpus’ of the organization of a kingdom, 12. 835. As ‘toto corpore’ expresses the greatest exertion of an individual (10. 127), so here it expresses the greatest exertion of a community.
[314] “Nunc adeo” 9. 156 note.
[315] “Paucis, adverte, docebo” 4. 116., 8. 50. With ‘animos adhibete’ Serv. comp. Lucr. 2.1023, “Nunc animum nobis adhibe veram ad rationem.”
[316] The tradition was that a certain territory was assigned to Aeneas and the Trojans on their settling in Latium, though the extent and the locality are differently given by different authors: see Heyne's note. This gave Virg. the hint of Latinus' proposition, though, as made here, it comes to nothing. The territory, as Heyne remarks, is doubtless intended to be part of the royal τέμενος. ‘Antiquus’ seems to mean that it has long been attached to the crown. ‘Tusco amni’ 8. 473. Virg. means that the territory lies along the bank of the Tiber, stretching east and west, north of Laurentum.
[317] Longus in occasum i. q. “longe porrectus in occasum.” “Sulcum in quatuor pedes longum” Col. de Arb. 16. The Sicanians are mentioned 7. 795, as neighbours of the Auruncans and Rutulians. See also on 8. 328. ‘Super usque,’ as Wagn. remarks, = “usque super,” as “ad usque” = “usque ad.”
[318] With ‘Aurunci Rutulique serunt’ comp. 3. 14, “Thraces arant.” The meaning evidently is that some of the Auruncans and Rutulians are included among Latinus' subjects. On ‘duros’ Serv. remarks, “Extenuat agri meritum quo vile videatur esse quod donat vel ne grave videatur his quibus auferendus est.” If either feeling weighs with Latinus, it is more likely to be the second; but it is perhaps refining to suspect him even of that.
[319] “Exercent vomere collis” 7. 798. For ‘pascunt’ (which = “ut pascuis utuntur”) comp. an inscription in the Berlin Corpus Inscriptionum, vol. i. No. 199, l. 40, “Prata quae fuerint proxuma faenisecei . . . . quem quisque eorum agrum posidebit, invitis eis niquis sicet nive pascat nive fruatur.” Forc. quotes a passage from Martial (10. 58. 9), “Dura suburbani dum iugera pascimus agri,” which he understands of cultivating the land under difficulty, so that the cultivator rather maintains it than is maintained by it. But though the meaning would not be unsuitable, the expression is too recondite for a passage like this, and it may be said that ‘horum asperrima’ prepares us for some operation distinct from ploughing. To take ‘asperrima’ as nom. would be possible, but not likely. Rom. has the two first letters of ‘pascunt’ written over an erasure.
[320] Et celsi plaga pinea montis, as we should say, including the mountain ridge and its pines. ‘Plaga montis’ seems i. q. “plaga montana,” the mountain district, though it would be possible to take ‘plaga pinea’ of the belt of pines, like “olearum caerula plaga” Lucr. 5.1374.
[321] Cedat amicitiae Teucrorum seems to include “cedat Teucris ut amicis” and “cedat Teucris ut amici fiant.” “Pacis dicere leges” 12. 112, where as bere ‘dicere’ is rather to propose than to prescribe. ‘Aequas’ is explained by the next clause.
[322] “Paribusque in regna vocari Auspiciis” 7. 256. Comp. 4. 214, “dominum Aenean in regna recepit.” ‘Socios’ partners, not allies. “Urbe, domo socias” 1. 600.
[323] “Si tantus amor” 6. 133: comp. 7. 263. Here it seems to mean little more than ‘if they think it worth while.’ For the lengthening of the last syllable of ‘amor’ see Excursus on Book 12.
[324] Capessere 4. 346. ‘Gentem’ is coupled with ‘finis’ by a kind of zeugma, standing, as Wagn. remarks, for “terram gentis.” Pal., Gud., and one or two other cursives have ‘aliamve.’
[325] Est animus with inf. 4. 639. See on G. 1. 213. Heyne read ‘poscunt’ from two MSS. (none of Ribbeck's), thinking ‘possunt’ weak. The latter however is appropriate enough, ‘if they can possibly depart,’ Latinus thinking of their coming as fated, though he had chosen just before to speak of the question as depending on their own will—a natural want of explicitness in addressing an assembly of which Turnus is one, as Serv. remarks.
[326] In that case let us help their departure by building them ships. There is no reason for supposing with Serv. that Latinus knew twenty to have been the original number of Aeneas' fleet (1. 381): but Virg. doubtless intended to make the numbers correspond, though we are told 5. 713 that the crews of the missing ships were to be left behind in Sicily. “Roboribus textis” 2. 186 of building the horse. See note on ib. 16, and comp. ib. 112. Serv. quotes from Enn. A. inc. 19, “Idem campus habet textrinum navibu' longis:” comp. ib. Alex. fr. 8 Vahlen, “Iamque mari magno classis cita Texitur.”
[327] Conplere is a naval term: Gaes. B. C. 1. 56., 2. 4. Comp. πλήρωμα. ‘Iacet,’ is already hewn.
[328] Materies, wood for building: see Forc. ‘Modum,’ the limit of size, G. 3. 54.
[329] Aera for beaks and other parts of the ship. Peerlkamp comp. Curt. 10. 1. 19, “Materia in Libano monte caesa . . . ingentium carinas navium ponere . . . Cypriorum regibus inperatum ut aes stuppamque et vela praeberent.” “‘Manus’ artifices,” Serv. Perhaps the nearest parallel is 1. 592, “Quale manus addunt ebori decus.” ‘Navalia’ hardly decks, as in 4. 593; more probably, according to Serv.'s first explanation, “res navales, i. e. pix, cera, funes, vela et alia huiusmodi.” There seems a similar use in Livy 45. 23, “Navalibus, armis, iuventute nostra . . . ad omnia paratos fore.”
[330] Firment seems to mean little more than “faciant.”
[331] With this and the next line comp. 7. 153, 154. ‘Prima de gente’ i. q. “primis de gentibus,” Heyne, as we should say, of the first rank. See Wagn. Q. V. 28. 2. b. Some inferior MSS. have ‘Latini,’ badly.
[332] “Praetendere ramos” 8. 128.
[333] The natural meaning would seem to be a talent's weight of gold, and the same of ivory, which, as Serv. remarks, was sold by weight. See on 5. 112. The ‘sella’ however mentioned in the next line is doubtless the “sella curulis;” and this led Pierius and others to suppose that ‘eboris’ really belonged to ‘sellam,’ the words being arranged according to the figure chiasmus. But such a collocation would be rather Ovidian than Virgilian; and gold and ivory are classed together as presents 3. 464, though the ivory there is cut or carved. The reading before Heins. was ‘eborisque aurique,’ found in none of Ribbeck's MSS. Med. a m. p. has ‘eboris talentaque.’
[334] ‘Trabeam’ 7. 188. For instances where the Romans sent the purple robe and the ivory chair to kings whom they wished to honour, Lersch § 7 refers to Livy 27. 4, where Syphax and Ptolemy are thus distinguished.
[335] Serv. explains ‘in medium’ as “in commune,” for the common good, comparing G. 1. 127: see Forc. But it may be doubted whether it is not rather to be taken ‘openly,’ like “venire” or “procedere in medium,” for which also see Forc. “Fessis rebus” 3. 145: comp. G. 4. 449 note. Pal. and originally Gud. have ‘vestris.’
[336-375] ‘Drances delivers a violent invective against Turnus, declaring his pretensions to be the cause of all, bidding him abandon them or support them in single combat, and urging Latinus to offer his daughter to Aeneas.’
