B: Fragments of uncertain reference
XXXI (1)
But not making at all a good guess at the king's mind, he
acted in a most inconsiderate manner.
XXXII (2)
Want of civilisation appears to have an extraordinary influence on mankind in this direction.
XXXIII (3)
But the general being unable to endure the unfairness of
those who made these assertions. . .
XXXIV (5)
But he determined to hold out to the last, trusting to the
supplies from Egypt.
XXXV (6)
But having fallen in with him he gained an extremely
fortunate victory.
XXXVI (7)
In all these things the Aetolians had been deceived.
XXXVII (8)
And some he honoured with gold cloths and spears,
because he wished that his promises should agree with his
performances.
XXXVIII (11)
He wrote in bitter and frantic terms, calling them fiends
and murderers in his letter, if they abandoned the positions
thus disgracefully, before they had suffered or witnessed any
hardship.
XXXIX (12)
There is a courage in words too which can despise death.
XXXIX (14)
Before he had been rejoined by the stragglers of the
skirmishing parties.
XL (27)
Being utterly at a loss, at last he rested his chance of
escape from the difficulty which was upon him on some such
hope as this.
XLI (30)
None of the citizens being aware of what was taking place
owing to the distance, for the city was a large one.
XLII (32)
But trusting to them he undertook the war against
Ariarathes.
XLIII (34)
Harpyia is a city in Illyria near Encheleae, to which
Baton, charioteer of Amphiaraus, removed after the latter's
disappearance.
XLIV (35)
And he waited for the coming of Hasdrubal.
XLV (36)
Hearing all this through the curtain the king laughed.
XLVI (39)
Foreseeing and fearing the fierce temper and obstinacy of
the men.
XLVII (40)
At that time, persuaded that he was enduring a fiery test,
he was released from the suspicion.
XLVIII (43)
He thought therefore that it was dangerous to have shared
in their enterprise when their plan had failed and come to an
end.
XLIX (44)
Having urged the soldiers to make haste, and exhorted the
tribunes to engage.
L (46)
Thinking it better and safer not to be present at the hour
of the enemy's opportunity, nor when they were under the
influence of popular excitement and fury.
LI (47)
Whenever it is possible to obtain satisfaction from those
who have wronged us either by law or by any other settled
forms of justice.
LII (54)
Having drawn his army from the pass he encamped.
LII (55)
And then they took up some sort of order, as though by
mutual consent, and fought the battle in regular formation.
LIII (56)
That which causes the most pain at the time involves also
the most signal revulsion of joy.
LIV (57)
Having ordered the pilots to steer the ships as fast as they
could to Elaea.
LV (61)
They not only drove themselves off the stage, but ruined
also all Greece.
LV (62)
But he, from his long experience of war, did not all lose
his presence of mind.
LVI (67)
He persuades them by reckoning all the wealth he considered they would gain in the battle.
LVII (68)
The Romans had been inspired by some divine influence,
and having fortified their courage with irresistible might . . .
LVII (69)
To signalise some by favours, and others by punishments,
that they might be a warning to the rest.
LVIII (72)
And they, being persuaded, and throwing themselves in the
way of the enemy's charge, died gallantly.
LIX (73)
He tried to take the city by an intrigue, having long
secured a party of traitors within it.
LX (74)
He brought up the transports, by lading which with rocks
and sinking them at the mouth of the harbour he planned to
shut out the enemy entirely from the sea.
LXI (80)
Though I have much more to say, I fear lest some of you
may think that I am unnecessarily diffuse.
LXII (81)
They are reserving themselves for an opportunity, and are
quite ready to meet them again.
LXIII (85)
To be eager for life and to cling to it is a sign of the
greatest baseness and weakness.
LXIV (86)
He was feeling something like starters in horse races, which
are started by the raising of torches.
LXV (88)
Their boldness transgresses the bounds of propriety, and
their actions are a violation of duty.
LXV (91)
Seeing that the Carthaginians had obeyed all injunctions
in the most honourable spirit.
LXVI (92)
To have fifty ships built entirely new, and to launch fifty
of those already existing from the docks.
LXVII (100)
Lucius being appointed to go on a mission to the Lapateni
and speak to them in favour of an unconditional surrender,
was unprepared for the task before him.
LXVIII (101)
Of all the determining forces in war the most decisive of
failure or success is the spirit of the combatants.
LXIX (104)
Having mentioned summarily the defeats they had sustained, and putting before them the successes of the Macedonians.
LXX (105)
For he perceived that the Macedonian kingdom would
become contemptible, if the rebels succeeded in their first
attempt.
LXXI (109)
Therefore it was intolerable that the Romans even then
should make their way into Macedonia unobserved.
LXXII (110)
He, if any one of our time has done so, has examined all
that has been said scientifically on tactics.
LXXIII (111)
Metrodorus and his colleagues, frightened at the threatening aspect of Philip, departed.
LXXIV (112)
The Romans made no show of bearing a grudge for what
had taken place.
LXXV (113)
But putting both spurs to his horse he rode on as hard as
he could.
LXXVI (114)
Being annoyed at the treaty, Nabis paid no attention to its
provisions.
LXXVII (120)
It was neither possible to examine the man closely in his
state of physical weakness, nor to put a question to him for
fear of worrying him.
LXXVIII (122)
The Pannonians having seized the fort at the beginning of
the war, had taken it as a base of operations, and had fitted it
up for the reception of booty.
LXXIX (124)
But wishing to point the contrast between his policy to
those who trusted and those who disobeyed him, he commenced the siege.
LXXX (126)
So that those in the assembly were thunderstruck and unable to collect their thoughts, sympathising with the poignant
sorrow of those thus dispossessed of their all.
LXXXI (131)
They immediately sent a courier to Perseus to tell him what
had happened. (132) It was Perseus's design to keep it close,
but he could not hide the truth.
LXXXII (133)
In other respects he was well equipped for service, but
his spear was limp.
LXXXIII (134)
Publius was anxious to engage and avail himself of the
enthusiasm of the barbarians. (135) He put in at Naupactus
in Aetolia. (136) He escorted Publius out with great respect.
(137) Having received Publius and Gaius with kindness and
honour.
LXXXIV (140)
It was the deliberate intention of the Romans to fight at
sea.
LXXXV (141)
While they were still together and were fighting at close
quarters with their swords, taking his stand behind them he
stabbed him under the armpit.
LXXXVI (151)
This man presented Prusias with many silver and gold cups
during the banquet.
LXXXVII (153)
Taking a wise view of the future, he came to the conclusion
to get rid of the garrison sent by Ptolemy.
LXXXVIII (158)
On that occasion both Romans and Carthaginians bivouacked
on the embankment.
LXXXIX (159)
Not being able to persuade him again, owing to that king's
cautious and inactive character, he was forced to offer five
hundred talents. And so Seleucus agreed to give the aid.
XC (161)
Chance and Fortune, so to speak, enhanced the achievements of Scipio, so that they always appeared more illustrious
than was expected.
XCI (162)
One must not pass over even a minor work of his, as in
the case of a famous artist.
XCII (163)
Scipio counselled him either not to try, or to do so in such
a manner as to succeed at all risks. For to make an attempt
on the same man twice was dangerous in itself, and was apt to
make a man altogether contemptible.
XCIII (164)
But being jealous of Scipio they tried to decry his achievements.
XCIV (168)
Fixing the stocks upright in the ground in a semicircle
touching each other.
XCV (170)
The important point of their resolution was that they would
not admit a garrison or governor, and would not give up their
constitution as established by law.
XCV (177-179)
He said that we should not let the enemy escape, or encourage their boldness by shirking a battle. . . .
Conceiving a slight hope from the besieged garrison, he
made the most of it. . . .
Pretending warm friendship, he tried every manœuvre
whereby he might promote the enemy's interests, and surround
us by the gravest perils. . . .
XCVI (182)
As the rock caused them difficulty because they were obliged
to bore a hole in it, they completed the mine which they were
making by using wooden bolts.
XCVII (183)
He did not think it right to leave the war in Etruria, and
give his attention to the cities in that part of the country. He
feared that he should waste all the time, which was not very
long to begin with, in less important details.
XCVIII (185)
And having got his boats and hemioliae dragged across the
Isthmus he put to sea, being anxious to be in time for the
Achaean congress.
XCIX (191)
Philip was annoyed at the request of the Corcyreans.
C (192)
Since circumstances debar Philip, the king wishes to give
that man the credit of the achievement, making the proposal
to him in the light of a favour.
CI (193)
Philip, having given out that he was about to serve out
rations, made a proclamation that a return should be made to
him of all who had not provisions for more than thirty days.
CII (195)
After two days from starting for the seat of war Philip passed
the order to make two rations three, whenever he wanted an
additional day, and sometimes to make two four. (? Cp.
Livy, 35, 28.)
CIII (195)
A swipe (
φρεατοτόπανον) is one of the implements mentioned
by Polybius. (See
9, 43, Hultsch.)
CIV (199)
It was impossible to convey the equipments and provisions
for the legions by sea or upon beasts of burden; they must
carry ten days' provisions in their wallets.
