[630] Heyne wished to connect ‘fecerat’ with the preceding words: but Wagn. justly remarks that the word is not one which would bear an emphatic reduplication. ‘Et’ is naturally used in a description of particulars following a general account, like καί. ‘Antrum Mavortis,’ the Lupercal, v. 343. The representation of the wolf suckling the children is common in works of art. ‘Fetus’ here means after birth, as in G. 3. 176. ‘Fecerat procubuisse,’ had represented her as stretched. Gossran comp. Cic. N. D. 3. 16, “quem tamen Homerus conveniri apud inferos facit ab Ulixe.”
[631] Procubuisse: she had already lain down at the time when the artist represented her. ‘Ubera circum’ v. 45.
[632] “Pendent circum oscula nati” G. 2. 523, where as here ‘pendere’ may include embracing (1. 715) as well as actual contact of the lips.
[633] Reflexa Rom., Pal., Gud., Med corrected, ‘reflexam’ Med. originally. It is difficult to decide, as though “cervice reflexa” occurs 10. 525, and Lucr. 1.35 has “tereti cervice reposta,” it is equally conceivable that Virg. may have wished to vary the expression, meaning by ‘cervice reflexam’ bent back in respect of the neck. Cic. Arat. has “Obstipum caput et tereti cervice reflexum.” On the whole external authority may decide us in adopting the abl. with Ribbeck.
[634] Lingua with ‘mulcere’ as well as with ‘fiugere.’ ‘Fingere,’ as we say to lick into shape, as in Virg.'s own illustration from the habits of the bear with its young, reported by Gell. 17. 10. See on G. 2. 407, The instances of this use of ‘fingere’ quoted from Ov. and Claud. seen to be imitations of Virg. Med. originally had ‘lingere,’ a word which Virg. may have meant to suggest while purposely avoiding it.
[635] ‘Sine more,’ οὐ κατὰ κόσμον: see on 5. 694.
[636] Consessu caveae 5. 340. The abl. here is local. ‘Circensibus’ looks like a reminiscence of later times. According to Livy (1. 9) and others, the games on the occasion of which the rape of the Sabines took place were the Cousualia. The ‘ludi Circenses’ were also called “ludi magni.” For the combination of the two comp. “magnos Penatis” 9. 258, which reminds us similarly of “magui di.” ‘Actis’ is doubtless a case where the past part. pass. has to supply the want of a present.
[637] Consurgere is added loosely, the inf. being really a noun. “Bella surgentia” 4. 43.
[638] Romulidis, Romulus and his nation, ‘tatio Curibusque,’ Tatius and his. ‘Romulidae’ Lucr. 4.683, like “Aeneadae,” “Thesidae.” ‘Seni:’ it does not appear that Tatius was regarded as older than Romulus. He died first, but his death was a violent one. The word therefore seems to refer merely to his antiquity, as Lucilins is called “senex” by Hor. 2 S. 1. 34, Pacuvius and Attius Id. 2 Ep. 1. 56. ‘Curibus severis:’ for the primitive austerity of the Sabines comp. 6. 811, G. 2. 532 &c.
[639] Inter se probably belongs both to ‘posito certamine’ and to the verbs ‘stabant et iungebant,’ to the whole sentence in fact. ‘Posito’ may either mean laid aside or composed: see on 1. 302.
[640] Armati paterasque tenentes gives the picture. Rom. has ‘aras,’ Med. ‘pateram.’
[641] The custom of sacrificing a swine in treaties was an ancient one: see Lersch § 54, who refers to Livy 1. 24., 9. 5, Varro R. R. 2. 4. In these passages the swine is male. Quint. 8. 3 says the female is substituted as more dignified in poetry (see on G. 1. 470): but Lersch l. c. argues from Cic. Legg. 2. 22 and other passages that female swine were sacrificed as well as male. In 12. 169 foll. Aeneas and Latinus sacrifice “saetigerae fetum suis intonsamque bidentem.” ‘Iungebant focdera’ 4. 112 &c. Serv. has an amusing note: ‘foedera dicta sunt a porca foede et crudeliter occisa.’
[642] ‘In diversa’ constructed with ‘citae,’ which has its original force as a participle, i. q. “citatus,” as ‘aptus’ is used i. q. “qptatus.” So Hor. Epod. 9. 20, “Puppes sinistrorsum citae,” and perhaps ib. 17. 7, “Citumque retro solve, solve turbinem.”
[643] Distulerant shows that the rending asunder had taken place before the representation was made, and that the body was represented as already torn in pieces. See on 1. 483. ‘Differre’ of tearing in pieces Hor. Epod. 5. 99, and so perhaps διαφέρειν Aesch. Cho. 68. ‘Maneres’ seems to mean “manere debebas,” “utinam maneres:” see on 4. 678. The imperf. occurs in a similar connexion 11. 162, 3. Here it is apparently used because the act of abiding is continnous, and is supposed to have been capable of lasting even into the time of the rending of the body. there is a somewhat similar parenthesis Ov. M. 2. 435, “Aspiceres utinam, Saturnia, mitior esses,” which might suggest another interpretation, “[Si scires quid tibi eventurum esset]maneres.” “Promissis maneas” 2. 160.
[644] ‘Raptare’ of dragging 1. 483.
[646] Serv. says that the spelling ‘Porsenna’ is adopted for the sake of the metre. The penult is supposed to be short Hor. Epod. 16. 4, and is certainly used so by Martial and Silius: the analogy of other Etruscan names however looks rather the other way. Neibuhr, vol. 1, note 1200, calls Martial's quantity a decided blunder.
[647] “Obsidione cingi” 3. 52, “teneri” 9. 598. The homoeoteleuton in this and the preceding line, partially extending to the following line also, is doubtless intentional.
[648] In ferrum ruere G. 2. 503, which seems to fix its sense to headlong daring, as we should say, rushing on a drawn sword: otherwise we might be disposed to make it i. q. “currere ad arma.” Serv. calls ‘Aeneadae’ “satis longe petitum epitheton:” but other readers will recognize the art with which we are made to think of Aeneas as admiring the selfabandoning valour of his descendants.
[649] “Anhelanti similis” 5. 254, also of an artistic representation. ‘He had all the marks of indignation and menace.’
[650] Aspiceres like “cernas” 4. 401. ‘Auderet’ the subj. expressing Porsenna's feeling. “Vellere vallum” 9. 506.
[651] fluvium innaret 6. 369. Livy 2. 13 mentions this deed of Cloelia as achieved some time after the defence of the bridge by Cocles. Virg. apparently intends the two to be represented in the same picture.
[652] ‘In summo’ is explained by Serv. of the top of the shield, comp. “in medio” v. 675. Heyne takes it with ‘Tarpeiae arcis.’ It is difficult to decide. Wagn.'s objections to Heyne's interpretation, that ‘arcis’ is required for ‘custos,’ which would not describe Manlius Manlius if it stood alone, and that Manlius would not naturally stand on the top of the rock, seem futile: ‘custos’ is defined by ‘arcis,’ even if it is not actually constructed with it (comp. G. 1. 273, a stronger case of double construction), and the question is not where Manlius would naturally have stood, but where he would have been represented as standing for pictorial effect. ‘Tarpeiae’ v. 347.
[653] Stabat pro templo like “pro turribus adstant” 9. 677. In both passages the literal sense of ‘standing before’ seems to be intended, there being of course a further notion of protection. Serv. objects to the literal meaning that Manlius actually stood within the temple: but this is an error of the same kind as Wagn.'s mentioned in the last note, proceeding on the supposition that Virg. represented the historical scene rather than its pictorial symbol. ‘Tenebat’ of the defender of a post 12. 705. Wakef. conj. ‘tegebat,’ as ‘tenbant’ recurs v. 657: but such repetitions are common in Virg.
[654] Heyne thinks this line spurious, and Ribbeck, following the Parma edition, inserts it after v. 641. But it is natural that the Capitol should be represented with the accessories familiar to a Roman, whether they formed a part of the historical scene or not (see two last notes), and Virg. doubtless meant to note Vulcan's art in giving the effect of the ‘strawbuilt shed’ in gold, just as in Il. 18. 548, 9 we are told that the blackness of the ploughed land was represented in gold. Gossrau observes rightly of the commentators, “Non animadverterunt non historiam narrari sed describi rem inenarrabilem.” ‘Recens’ refers to the freshness and sharpness of Vulcan's work; but it also alludes to the constant renovation of the “casa Romuli” in the historical times of Rome, attested by Dionys. Ant. 1. 79. Vitruv. 2. 1 and other writers agree with Virg. in placing Romulus' hut on the Capitol: Dionys. l. c. puts it ἐκ τοῦ Παλαντίου ἐπὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸν ἱππόδρουον στρεφούσης λαγόνος. For the different ways of reconciling or getting rid of this discrepancy see Lewis pp. 238 foll. His own explanation, that there were two luts, is hardly supported by the parallel he urges of duplicate relics preserved in offerent places, as there rivalry comes in as a motive for multiplying memorials, which cannot have been the case in Rome with its state religion: it is strange too that the fact of the existence of two should not have been mentioned by any ancient writer. ‘Romuleo’ again points to the renovation, which kept the hut as it was in Romulus' days, while at the same time we are meant to think of “Romulea” or “Romuli regia,” the hut being all that romulus had for his palace. Lewis' view seems to be supported by H. Jordan, Hermes 7, p. 193 foll.
[655] Heyne thought ‘auratis’ inconsistent with the previous line: Wagn. replies that the epithet merely refers to Vulcan's representation, not to the reality represented. As before, both objection and answer seem to proceed on a wrong conception of Virg.'s notion. Virg. was not bound to make Vulcan preserve exact historical perspective: he combines the thatched hut with the gilded temple of his own time as the best means of producing the effect he desires and impressing the image of the Capitol upon his reader's mind. ‘Auratis’ doubtless refers to Vulcan's mode of representation, like ‘argenteus:’ but as the latter represents the actual colour of the bird, the former must represent the actual appearance of the building: otherwise the use of the epithet would point not to the strength Vulcan's art but to its weakness. For the gilding of the Capitol comp. v. 348. ‘Hic’ refers generally to the Capitol. The geese were left in the precinct of the temple of Juno in the Capitol. ‘volitans’ gives the picture of the fluttering wings of the startled bird, as ‘canebat’ is doubtless meant to refer to its open mouth. Serv. says that an image of a goose in silver was actually kept in the Capitol in memory of the event.
[656] ‘In limine’ with ‘adesse.’
[657] Rom. has ‘olli,’ which IIeyne prefers; but it doubtless came from a recollection of v. 594: nor is it likely, as Wagn. observes, that Virg., who is generally so abstinent in his use of the archaic form, should have introduced it twice in three lines. For the thickets see v. 348. ‘Arcem tenebant:’ Livy says that one of them was on the top when the alarm was given. Virg. doubtless intends us to conceive of some as on the top, some as approaching through the woods.
[658] Dono i. q. “beneficio,” as in 2. 269. Night is doubtless the giver of the boon, not the boon given.
[659] “Habitus Gallorum bene expressus, etsi alieno fortasse loco” Heyne; another instance of forgetting the distinction between narrative and picture. The appearance and costume of the Gauls admitted of being expressed in metal, and Virg. takes advantage of the opportunity. For the hair of the Gauls Wagn. comp. Niebuhr vol. 1 note 1169. ‘Vestis’ has been explained by Serv. and other of the beard, a sense which does not seem to occur elsewhere (“inpubem molli pubescere veste” Lucr. 5.672 is most naturally taken as a metaphor) though it is supported by the use of “investis,” a postclassical word, but one which may have been revived from earlier Latin (see Dictionaries). Whether there is authority for saying that the Gauls wore yellow garments (which would be naturally represented by gold) is not certain: Casaubon on Persius 6. 46 refers to Varro for the fact that they wore “gausapa,” and the “gausapa” of Caligula's captives, some of whom were Gauls, are said by Persius l. c. to be yellow: but I have not succeeded in verifying Casaubon's reference: not to mention that the meaning of “gansapa” in Persins is disputed precisely in the same way as that of ‘vestis’ here. Sil. 4. 155 has “auro virgatae vestes” of the Celts, showing how he understood the present pas-age.
[660] Sagula are the short military cloaks, apparently worn over the ‘vestes.’ These are ‘virgata,’ striped, an effect probably produced on the shield by inlaying. Serv. says that “virga” in the language of the gauls means purple: it is used however for a stripe by Ov. A. A. 3. 269, where by the way the epiethet happens to be “purpureis,” and ‘virgatus’ in this sense occurs several times in the later poets. In Catull. 62 (64). 319 it has its natural meaning, made of osier. The Greek metaphor is the same, ῥαβδωτός (see Lidd. and Scott). It is not said here that the stripes were of gold, as Sil. l. c. appears to think, though possibly they were so represented by Vulcan. The whole is a picture to the eye, wrought in metal: and so ‘lucent.’ ‘Lactea:’ the fairness of the skin of the Ganls was a natural object for an artist to seize on. Probably it was represented by silver.
[661] Auro innectuntur. referring to the “torquis,” which was a conspienous part of the Gallic dress. The neck, as we should say, is fastened with gold. See on v. 277 above. The carrying two spears is common in Hom., and was usual among the ancient nations (Dict. A. ‘Hasta’). Comp. 1. 343.
[662] Gaesa Dict. A. ‘Scutis longis:’ Lersch § 31 quotes Livy 38. 21, “Scuta longa, ceterum ad amplitudinem corporis parum lata, male tegebant Gallos.”
[663] He passes from historical events to institutions. by way of showing the ordinary life of rome, and chooses of course those that were best suited for external effect. For the Salii and Luperci see Dict. A.
[664] The ‘apex’ was a pointed piece of olive wood, surrounded by a lock of wool, and attached to the head either by fillets or by a cap: see Dict. A. It is naturally coupled with ‘ancilia.’ the introduction of both being ascribed to Numa. It was worn by the ‘flamines’ and also by the Salii, the latter of whom had charge of the ‘ancilia.’ ‘Lapsa caelo’ can hardly point to anything in the picture, so we must take it simply as a historical statement, accounting for the interest felt in these saered relics.
[665] ‘Extundere’ G. 1. 133., 4. 315: here apparently of making raised figures. ‘Ducebant saera,’ were moving in sacred procession, like “duccre pompam.”
[666] Pilentis Dict. A. ‘Mollibus’ seems to refer to the soft cushions of these ears, not, as Serv, thinks, to their moveableness. See on G. 2. 389. Niebuhr vol. 1 note 977 adopts Serv's view. “Nec procul hine” 1. 169.
[667] Heyne, Peerlkamp, and Ribbeck object to these lines as incongruous. At first sight the introduction of the infernal regions seems our of keeping with the rest of the portraiture. But we must consider that Virg.'s obgect here and elsewhere is to tell incidents pictorially: and it doubtless seemed to him that he could not better distribute praise and blame, with the materials at his command, among national benefactors and national criminals than by representing their fortunes in the other world. which are as it were emblematic of the judgment of history. Catiline's death in battle would not have told its own story, nor would any event in Cato's life have represented the position which Virg. wishes to assign to him. So in G. 3. 37 foll., Virg., wishing to express symbolically his reprobation of the enemies of Caesar, places them in the infernal world. “Taenarias etiam fauces, alta ostia Ditis” G. 4. 467. It is diflicult to say whether ‘alta’ there and here is high or deep.
[668, 669] “Scclernm poenas” 11. 258. Heyne remarks that Catiline is chosen to be the arch-criminal as one whom all parties were agreed to give up. ‘Minaci pendentem scopulo’ is understood by Heyne and later commentators as if Catiline were extended beneath a rock which threatened to fall on him, like the criminals in 6. 602. But this does not seem to suit ‘pendentem.’ It is surely more likely that he is represented as on the verge of a precipice, with a reference doubtless to the Tarpeian rock, just in the agony of falling into the abyss. The Furies then are probably to be understood as pursuing and driving him over the brink. ‘Minaci’ will be overhanging, and consequently precipitous. Turneb. V. L. 23. 3 rather strangely explains the words of Catiline lying unburied on the top of a lofty rock.
[670] Secretos separated from the bad. Comp. Hor. 2 Od. 13. 22, and Epod. 16. 63. Cato must be the younger one, of Utica, as the contrast with Catiline and the functions assigned to the man seem to show. The elder Cato was an exemplar of old Roman virtue; but he is not celebrated as being, like the younger, a pattern of purity and sanctity in a dissolute age. The objection that a compliment paid to him might have been unacceptable to Augustus is sufficiently answered by the eulogies which Horace bestows on him 1 Od. 12. 35., 2. 1. 24. Peerlkamp objects that as a suicide he ought not to have appeared in Elysium, his place being in the Mouruing Fields (6. 434 foll.): Thiel thinks he may have earned a place among the “ob patriam pugnando volnera passi,” 6. 660. But the fact is that Virg. did not aim at perfect consistency. It was enough for him that Cato was one who from his character in life might be justly conceived of as law-giver to the dead. His functions here seem not to be those of Minos or Rhadamanthus in Book 6, but rather those of the Homeric Minos (Od. 11. 568 foll.), who is a judge below because he had been a law-giver above, and apparently pronounces not on the deserts of the dead when in life but on their disputes among themselves in their ghostly state. ‘Iura dare’ would in strictness, as Mr. Long remarks, mean ‘to make rules of law:’ ‘ius dicere’ or ‘reddere’ ‘to administer justice:’ but the two ideas might not be clearly distinguished in the poet's mind. See on 7. 246-8. The Homeric θεμιστεύειν seems to contain both notions.
