Reginald Walter Macan, Herodotus, The Seventh, Eighth, & Ninth Books with Introduction and Commentary

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τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐ παραμέμνημαι: cp. c. 96 supra. ταξίαρχος: of naval commanders, unusual, cp. 8. 67 ταξίαρχοι ἀπὸτῶν νεῶν. The contingent led by Artemisia forms a τάξις. Stein suspects the phrase τῶν μὲν ... ἀναγκαζόμενος and brackets τῆς just after. My doubt would be confined to the words ὡς οὐκ ἀναγκαζόμενος in the one case, but would extend to the proper name Ἀρτεμισίης in the other, as its occurrence here discounts its solemn introduction five lines lower.

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γυναικός. The position is emphatic. This new Aniazon fills the soul of Hdt. with wonder (θῶμα ποιεῦμαι). “With Hdt. (says Rawlinson) patriotism [civic?] triumphs over every other motive [!], and he does ample justice [!] to the character of one who, he felt, had conferred honour upon his birthplace.” Was this testimonial to Artemisia written before, or after, Hdt.'s own expulsion from Halikaruassos? He seems here to bear the tyranny in his native city little malice.

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τοῦ ἀνδρός. Suidas (sub v. Πίγρης） gives the husband's name as ‘Mausolos,’ a nomination obviously open to the suspicion of an exchange with the devoted Karian queen and author of the ‘Mausoleum’ in the fourth century, B.C. It may be observed that the name Mausolos occurs in Hdt. 5. 118, as the father of Pixodaros, one of the wisest leaders (according to Hdt.) in the Karian revolt of 497 B.C., and though that Mausolos cannot have been the husband of this Artemisia, I venture to suggest that Pixodaros was (cp. my note to 5. 118).

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παιδὸς ὑπάρχοντος νεηνίεω. Stein takes νεηνίεω to mean that the son was old enough to lead the forces: Suidas (sub v. Ἡρόδοτος) gives Πισίνδηλις as his name. (The word may be connected with Πισιδία, Πισιδαί, the termination -inda, -anda being locally characteristic.)

λήματός τε καὶ ἀνδρηίης: cp. 9. 62, 5. 72, 111 for λῆμα, a poetical word; and cp. Sophokl. El. 983 for ἀνδρεία of women.

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ἀναγκαίης would here be physical compulsion; cp. c. 96 supra.

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Ἀρτεμισίη: the goddess of whom she has her name is of course the ‘Ephesian’ Artemis, i.e. a form of the Great Asianic Mother. It is perhaps only her name which leads the scholiast to Aristoph. Lysistr. 676 to make her τὸ γένος Ἐφεσία. Her mother is a ‘Cretan,’ her father a Halikarnassian.

Λυγδάμιος. This Lygdamis, her father, was presumably dynast of Halikarnassos, and if Artemisia married Pixodaros, son of Mansolos, from Kindys, she may have brought him into the dynasty, on the principles of female succession, which were characteristic of the region (cp. Radet, Lydie 121, Gelzer, Rh. Mus. xxxv. 1880, 516 f.). The name Lygdamis occurs previously as that of the tyrant of Naxos, supported by Peisistratos (Hdt. 1. 61, 64), and earlier still as the name of a chieftain of the Kimmerii, or Treres (if late authorities can be trusted; e.g. Strabo 61 Λύγδαμις δὲ τοὺς αὑτοῦ ἄγων μέχρι Λυδίας καὶ Ἰωνίας ἤλασε καὶ Σάρδεις εἶλεν, ἐν Κιλικίᾳ δὲ διεφθάρη). It was borne by the grandson and successor of Artemisia, under whom Herodotos was expelled from Halikarnassos, Suidas l.c.; Hicks, Manual2, No. 27. The Greek origin of this name λύγδος, ‘white,’ or λύγδην (λύζω), is anything but certain. The name occurs on Cariau tituli; cp. Radet, Lydie, p. 180.

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Κρῆσσα leaves her exact ethnikon uncertain, whether Dorian, or ‘Eteokretan,’ or what not!

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ἡγεμόνευε. Hdt. does not expressly locate the ‘tyrannis’ of Artemisia in Halikarnassos. She led ‘the men of Halikarnassos and Kos, of Nisyros and Kalydna.’ Four names supplied five ships; of the five, perhaps Halikarnassos (rather than the ‘Kalydnai’) supplied two. These five ships must all be included in the Dorian contingent, c. 93 supra. Nisyros, Kos, and Kalydna are three islands (in order from S. to N.) off the promontory of Halikarnassos. Νίσυρόν τ᾽ εἶχον ... καὶ Κῶν ... νήσους τε Καλύδνας, Il. 2. 676 f. The form Κάλυμνα is also found (e.g. coins, inscrip. C.I.G. 2671), and better distingnished the island (still named ‘Kalymnos’) from the Karian town Κάλυνδα, cp. 8. 87.

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μετά γε τὰς Σιδωνίων: cp. c. 96 supra. Her exploit recorded in 8. 87 is hardly sufficient to justify this extravagant praise; the excellence of her counsel is exhibited 8. 68 and 102, passages perhaps composed to illustrate this text.

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τῶν δὲ κατέλεξα πολίων. τὰς δὲ πολίας τῶν κατέλεξα ἡγεμονεύειν αὐτήν, i.e. an attraction of πολίων, not of the relative τῶν. This seems preferable to taking πολίων as genitive after τὸ ἔθνος (‘the nationality’). In any case the compound κατέλεξα, which suggests rather the list (κατάλογος) of cities than the simple predication of leadership, is not quite strictly used. The reference back (only the third so far in the Bk., cp. c. 93 supra) is to the list in the last sentence but one. Rawlinson remarks that Halikarnassos had been excluded from the Dorian amphiktiony, 1. 144, yet ‘Kos is subject to the excommunicated eity.’ This would be an interesting example of the separation of Church and State in early times; but is it certain that the episode in 1. 144 is prior to 480 B.C.?

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ἀποφαίνω, ‘I (as born Halikarnassian) do declare’; cp. 2. 16 (Stein).

πᾶν ἐὸν Δωρικόν Hdt. will not allow any impurity or miscegenation in the population of the Dorian Hexapolis; it all goes back to the Dorians of the Argolid, the Halikarnassians to Dorian Troizen, the rest (i.e. Kos, Nisyros, Kalymnos, or Kalymna, or Kalymnai) to Dorian Epidauros.

The doctrine of the purely Dorian character of these settlements—as indeed of the remaining Dorians both within and without the Hexapolis (cp. c. 93 supra and 1. 144)—is anything but indisputable. (1) That the Dorian invaders of the Peloponnesos could have spared sufficient drafts to colonize SW. Asia Minor is on the face of it improbable. (2) Nor is the purely Dorian character of the Peloponnesian Dorians itself to be admitted: apart from the question of intermarriage, many passed for Dorians, as others for Achaeans, who had little right to the name. (3) The Homeric catalogue makes Kos (Il. 2. 677) Hellenic before the Trojan War, as also Lindos (656), Karpathos (676), Syme (671), etc. Rawlinson regards all that as anachronism, so likewise the prae-Dorian date assigned by some authorities to the colonisation of Halikarnassos (cp. St<*>abo 543, 939, Steph. B. sub v.); but we must now be prepared to recognize that ‘Peloponnesians’ and others passed freely across the Aegean long before the days of the Return of the Herakleids. There are two possibilities to be reckoned with: (a) The ‘Dorians’ were a much earlier and more primitive element in the Aegean population than the legend of the ‘Return’ recognizes; or (b), as is more probable, the ‘Dorian’ colonization in Asia was merely an Epoikism, the Dorian element small and nominal, confined at first perhaps to the leaders, or new oikists; cp. story of Dorieus, 5. 42 ff. That it was, however, a real presence is proved by the appearance of the Dorian tribes in Halikarnassos, Kalymna, Kos (though late?); cp. Hermann-Thumser, i. 110. How factitious, ‘pragmatic,’ or tendenzios such legends may be is illustrated by the stories of Thera and Kyrene; see Hdt. IV.-VI. vol. ii. pp. 264 ff.