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ἐνθαῦτα ἐν τῇ διατάξι. If Hdt. means that the dispute between the Tegeatans and Athenians took place in the Asopos positiou, aud before the forces are disposed in position, he meaus what is mauifestly absurd. What then does he suppose the order to have been in the previous position? Hdt. has not concerned himself to realize the conditions of his own story; but the story, however fantastie, doubtless has some ground in actual occurreuces Some time or other, at some place or other, it was discussed aud decided what the order of battle should be on the Greek side. In Attica the Atheuiaus might conceivably have claimed the post of honour on the right wing, though such a claim had hardly been consistent with the Hegemonia of the Spartans; but it appears that the Atheniaus with the Megarians actually formed the head of the matching column (agmen) from Eleusis to Erythrai. In a Spartan army the king commanded from the centre; cp. Thuc. 5. 72. 4 (but Kleombrotos apparently commauded the right wing at Leuktra, Plutarch, Pelop. 23). It is conceivable that the questiou of the exact order of battle was not fully resolved before the Greeks reached Erythrai; or, agaiu, that the turn taken by the ‘Hippomachy,’ and the development of the first Greek position, brought about au order and a situation which had not been distinctly foreseeu. The Greek ethuie contingents must have extended along the ὑπωρέη iu some defiuite order, whether the Athenians were then ou the extreme left or on the extreme right. In the latter case the manœuvre described below in e. 46 may have taken place, or have been anticipared, and so brought the Athenians ou to the left wing, the Lakedaimonians on to the right; or this result may have been obtained by an advance en échelon dowu the ὑπωρέη and on to the Asopos Ridge. If (as appears to me less probable) the Athenians had evacuated Erythrai and moved to the left, along the ὑπωρέη, making room for the remaiuder of the marching column to form up in line, the Lakedaimoniaus beiug on the extreme right; theu, this order had probably beeu already decided on, and it was too late for the Tegeatai to enter a claim; but the story of the dispute may come to have been associated with the trausition from the agmen to the acies, and that transition itself to be confounded with the advance on to the Asopos. Hdt., for whom the problem of the conversion of the marching column, or columns, into the fighting line simply does not exist, has placed the record as an appendix to a description of the (second) position, in which the disposition of the forces in fighting array, in actual line of battle, was effected, or made effective. λόγων πολλῶν ὠθισμός: cp. 8. 78.
Τεγεητέων τε καὶ Ἀθηναίων: 500 Tegeatai had been in the army of Leouidas, 7. 202; there are 1500 present ou this occasion. (The city has been mentioued 7. 170, but iu a passage of later composition.) ἐδικαίευν: cp. 8. 126. αὐτοὶ ἑκάτεροι: Baehr eps. 3. 82 αὐτὸς γὰρ ἕκαστος κτλ., 5. 13 αὐτὰ ἕκαστα (v.l. ταῦτα). For the plural cp. 7. 1. 7.
ἔχειν τὸ ἕτερον κέρας: a strong ἔχειν. Rawlinson's trauslation is right, ‘one of the wings,’ following Schweighaenser, who refuted Valckenaer's interpretation of the term as a euphemism for sinistrum cornu; cp. infra: ὁκοτέρου βούλεσθε κέρεος ἄρχειν παρίεμεν. The Lakedaimonians were, of course, sure to take the right. παραφέροντες: used literally, of more material arguments, 3. 130 μάστιγάς τε καὶ κέντρα παραφέρειν ἐς τὸ μέσον.
τοῦτο μέν has here no τοῦτο δέ following, but the antithesis is supplied in more extended terms at the beginning of the next chapter.
ἔξοδοι κοιναί: i.e. ‘expeditions of the confederacy’; cp. c. 11 supra; this, which is the antecedent has been placed within the relative clause, and then attracted into the same case as ὅσαι. καὶ ... καί: the strong co-ordination occurs three times in this c., ll. 3, 25.
τὸ νέον, more usual without the article; cp. τὰ νεώτερα 6. 35. Ἡρακλεῖδαι ἐπειρῶντο ... κατιόντες. ‘The sons of Herakles attempted to effect their return from exile . .’ πειρᾶσθαι with participle, as 7. 139. 7 supra. Hdt., by the mouth of the Tegeatai, here makes reference to the all-important legend of the Expulsion, or Bauishment, and Return of the Herakleids (ἡ κάθοδος τῶν Ἡρακλειδῶν), the sobriquet in the fifth century, as this passage among others proves, for the Dorian Conquest. One important chapter in the story of ‘the Restoration’ Hdt. elsewhere (6. 55) declines to narrate, on the ground that it has already been put on record by other writers. That reason has not operated with him here to preclude his telling the story of the duel between Hyllos and Echemos, and the failure of the first attempt of the ‘exiles’ to return. (Cp. Introduction, §§ 7, 8.) The antecedents of the story of the Duel are supplied iu part by the speech of the Athenians in c 27, in part by Thucyd. 1. 9. 2 (cp. Apollod. Biblioth. 2. 8). The story was that the ‘Herakleids’ or ‘Perseids,’ as they were in the last resort (cp. 6. 53), had been deposed by the ‘Pelopids’ (the Egyptian by the Asiatic!), Eurystheus, himself a Perseid, having first expelled the Herakleids and then perished in Attica, warring against them, leaving Atreus (the Pelopid) in possession at Mykenai. To this ‘fytte’ succeeds the Duel of Hyllos and the ‘Arkadian’ king recorded in this place by Hdt. Thereafter for three generations, a century, the Herakleids abandon the attempt to ‘return,’ until, as leaders of the Dorians, and led by the one-eyed Aitalian Oxylos, they cross from Naupaktos, and effect the conquests of the three great districts, Argolis, Laconia, Messenia. The subjection of Herakles to Eurystheus appears in Homer (Il. 15. 639 f.), where the Hero is despatched to Hell to fetch the Houud (Il. 8 363 ff., Od. 11. 617-627). Herakles also figures as the enemy of the Neleids (Il. 11 689 ff). Is this a Dorian Herakles? The Iliad of course will know nothing of Dorians as such. How old the ‘Herakleid’ legend is one can hardly say, Tyrtaios, Fr. 2, in which it appears (though not explicitly as a ‘Return’), even if genuine, is not older than the middle of the seventh century B.C. The expedition of Eurystheus into Attica against Hyllos and the Herakleids was narrated by Hekataios, cp. Longinus 27. 2 (ed.2 Vahlen p. 41) and Pherekydes (Anton. Lib. Metam. c. 33, Mythogr. Gr. ed. Westermand p 230). Cp. Diodor. 4. 38. Such elder writers as these are covered by Thucydides' remarkable phrase: οἱ τὰ σαφέστατα Πελοποννησίων μνήμῃ παρὰ τῶν πρότερον δεδεγμένοι l c. Before Hdt. wrote this passage there was undoubtedly a rich prose literature on Herakles and the Herakleids, to say nothing of the poetic development attested by Hesiod, Pindar, aud the dramatists; and in regard to Hdt. it is especially to be remembered that his uncle Panyasis had composed au epic on Herakles in 9000 verses; Suidas s.v. Πανύασις. Cp. Introduction, § 10.
εὑρόμεθα: cp. c. 6 supra, and 3. 148 εὑρήσεται τιμωρίην—neither passage, however, is quite exactly parallel with this, ἀλεωρή, τιμωρίη, being more concrete than τοῦτο. Cp. 1 24 infra. μετὰ Ἀχαιῶν. Hdt. fully shares the fifth-century theory that the Achaians were to be found in the Peloponnesos long before the Dorians; cp. 8. 73.
Ἰώνων τῶν τότε ἐόντων ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ: cp. 8. 73; most of the Ioniaus were supposed to have migrated into Asia via Athens, cp. 1. 145. (Blakesley's idea that the Megarians are here inteuded is unfortunate.) ἐς τὸν Ἰσθμόν: the scene is laid by Pausanias also (1 44. 10 ad <*>.) on the froutiers of Korinthia aud Megaris.
Ὕλλον: the sou of Herakles, cp. 7. 204, as here ‘goes without saying.’ ἀγορεύσασθαι: a nuique instauce of the middle use in this verb; edicendum curasse, Baehr; but cp. App. Crit.
στρατοπέδου = στρατιᾶς, στρατοῦ.
μουνομαχῆσαι, to engage in a μονομαχία, or ‘single combat’; cp. 5. 1, 7. 104; in c. 27 infra the word is used iu a somewhat different sense (if the reading is correet). ἐπὶ διακειμένοισι: cp. ἐπὶ λόγῳ τοιῷδε just below; συγκειμένοισι would be more in accord with usage; cp. 3. 58, c. 52 infra, etc. Hesiod, Scut. Her. 20 ὣς γάρ οἱ διέκειτο θεοὶ δ᾽ ἐπιμάρτυροι ἦσαν. ἔδοξε: a decision, decree.
ἔταμον ὅρκιον: ὅρκιον is properly the neut. adj; cp. L. & S., ‘to slay the sacrificial animal for the treaty’ = ‘to make a solemn agreement.’ So ὅρκιον, ὅρκια come to stand for the treaty itself, iu such phrases as ὅρκιον ποιεῖσθαι 1. 141, etc. μένειν τὸ ὅρκιον κατὰ χώρην in immediate juxtaposition with τάμνοντες ὅρκια 4. 201.
τὸν Πελοποννησίων ἡγεμόνα turns out to be not Atreus but the Arkadian king Echemos! The term ‘Peloponnesiau’ in any case involves no auachronism: ex hypothesi the Pelopids are iu possession and the name of Pelops given to the peniusula, cp. Thuc. l.c.
τὰ πατρώια, sc. γέρεα.
τὰ ἔμπαλιν: 1. 207 ἔχω γνώμην . . τἀ ἔμπαλιν ἢ οὗτοι, c. 56 infra Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ... ἤισαν τὰ ἔμπαλιν ἢ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, seem to show that Schweighaeuser's e contrario, vicissim, is right (Stein takes it here = ὀπίσω with άπαλλάσσεσθαι—which is stroug enough in itself: the position also favours the former renderiug).
ἑκατόν τε ἐτέων: i.e. three generatious, 2. 142, cp. 7. 171 (Hyllos)—(1) Kleodaios; (2) Aristomachos; (3) his three sons, Temenos, Kresphontes, Aristodemos; cp. 7. 204, 8. 131, 137; also 6. 52. The condition ‘lets the cat out of the bag,’ i.e. auticipates the ‘Return.’ Diodor. 4. 58 gives fifty years as the limit.
προεκρίθη τε ... ἐθελοντής: this arrangement, a selection of volunteers, is perhaps necessary to explain why Hyllos was not faced by the Πελοποννησίων ἡγεμών—but we are left to discover for ourselves that this title could not be applied to Echemos. The ‘Peloponnesian symmachy,’ be it observed, is in full swing a coutury before the ‘Restoration.’
Ἔχεμος ὁ Ἠερόπου τοῦ Κηφέος: Echemos was known to Pindar, Ol. 10. 66 ὁ δὲ πάλᾳ κυδαίνων Ἔχεμος Τεγέαν. Diodoros l.c. adds nothing to Hdt. Pausanias, 1. 41. 2, 8. 5. 1, shows some variation in the traditions: iu the former passage dating the event ‘to the reign of Orestes,’ in the latter correcting the date, and makiug Echemos son of Aeropos (son of Kepheus, son of Aleus), and successor of Lykourgos as kiug of Arkadia, husband moreover of Timandra, daughter of Tyndareus. Pausanias (8. 53. 10) saw at Tegea Ἀλέου οἰκίαν καὶ Ἐχέμου μνῆμα καὶ ἐπειργασμένην ἐς στήλην τὴν Ἐχέμου πρὸς τὸν Ὕλλον μάχην. Ou Plutarch Thes. 32 cp. c. 73 infra. Cp. App. Crit.
ἄλλα γέρεα: Blakesley infers that the Tegeatai had a privileged position in the Spartan symmachy, ‘the other wing,’ when the forces were purely Peloponnesian, and even in time of peace special privileges in Sparta, to which, rather than to any personal influence, he ascribes the weight of Chileus, c. 9 supra.
ἄρχειν (varied with ἡγεμονεύειν above aud below) must be doubled for the sense, or αὐτό supplied. ἱκνέεσθαι with ἐς 6. 57, without ἐς 2. 36. With the sense cp. also 6. 84 μᾶλλον τοῦ ἱκνευμένου.
ἀπηγημένου: passive, cp. 1. 207.
ἀξιονικότεροι: cp. 7. 187, c. 27 infra. πολλοὶ μὲν γὰρ ... ἀγῶνες ἀγωνίδαται: 1. 66 supplies the commentary on this statement, at least to some exteut.
εὐ ἔχοντες from the speaker's point of view. In praising themselves the Tegeans are on comparatively safe ground; in depreciating the Athenians the speaker ‘gives himself away.’ The want of tact in this speech is quite primitive, or Pelasgiau! These Arkadians (1) remind the Lakedaimonians that the Spartan Hegemony is a comparatively modern invention, (2) glorify themselves for having kept the ‘Herakleids’ (= Dorians) a century out of the Peloponnesos, (3) remind the Spartans of many a gallant fight successfully waged against them more receutly! After such a speech it is almost an iuconsequence to be content with second choice! And theu to disparage the Athenians, with Marathon in memory, and the heroism of Olympiodoros under their very eyes (c. 21 supra)! But perhaps this last achievement had not taken place when the dispute for precedence arose; the Atheniaus make no refereuce thereto.
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