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αὕτη ... ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο ἐγέν. <*> ‘in this battle nothing further took pla<*> i.e. the battle between the Spartans and the Persians, which is here treated as though it were whole and complete in itself. To the Persian combatants must be added the other non-Hellenic divisions, which <*>have also been represented as taking part in ‘this battle,’ cp. c. 59 supra. Hdt's method of treating the conflict between the Persians and Spartans as one battle, and the conflict between the Athenians and Thebans as another, corresponds probably more or less to differences in his sources; while some failure in his sources may help to account for his inadequate treatment of the fortunes of the centre. Moreover, Hdt. here makes an effort to mark the exact point in the struggle at which Artabazos took his departure (when the battle had reached this point, Artabazos — ἐποίησε τοιάδε). With him, perhaps, departed the Makedonians and others in the Persian right wing, which he probably commanded.

Ἀρτάβαζος ... Φαρνάκεος: the patronymic is so little called for by the occasion, that it may better be supposed a repetition from the source of the eccentric story which ensues.


αὐτίκα ... κατ᾽ ἀρχάς, ‘from the very first’; cp. for the expression 7. 88, and for the situation referred to 8. 115, 126. The use of ἀπό instead of ὑπό is remarkable; cp. 7. 102. 5. 2, etc.


καὶ τότε: not the point reached in the narrative, in the immediate context, but a much earlier one, viz. in c. 41 supra (a backward reference).

πολλὰ ἀπαγορεύων οὐδὲν ἤνυε recalls the formula put into the mouth of a Persian in the story of Thersander, c. 16 supra: πολλὰ φρονέοντα μηδενὸς κρατέειν.


συμβάλλειν οὐκ ἐῶν, prohibiting, arguing against, ‘trying to prevent a general engagement,’ cp. c. 41 supra; μηδὲ ἀνακινδυνεύειν συμβάλλοντας.

ἐποίησέ τε: the τε marks the climax (after the two items marked by the previous τε and καί, cp. c. 58 supra).


ἀρεσκόμενος: passive (not middle, as in 6. 128). The active is used with accus. of the person, as well as with the dative (3. 142), so 3. 34, 4. 78, and 7. 160.

ἐκ, instead of ὑπό, cp. 7. 175; cp. c. 64 supra.

The asyndeton which follows may help to mark the laboured character of the apology for Artabazos, which is far from coherent or close in its argument. As Stein points out, Hdt. (or rather, perhaps, his source) is anxious to explain and justify the treacherous conduct of Artabazos; while Blakesley regards the difficulty as arising from an “Hellenic interpretation” of a proceeding which the Greeks did not understand: he even accepts the suggestion of 8. 126 that the reputation of Artabazos was raised by his conduct at Plataia, that is, the skill with which he brought off his division. It is quite possible that the action, position, and proceedings of Artabazos have not been correctly envisaged by Greek tradition, and that, imperfect information having created a problem, apologetics were called in to reconcile the facts of the subsequent career of Artabazos with his supposed conduct at Plataia. But if Artabazos was really at Plataia with 40,000 men, no amount of insight or foresight, of wit or wisdom, could conceal or excuse his shameful treachery to Mardonios, and thereby to the Persian cause. However, the Greek idea that he was in Boiotia, or within reach of Mardonios at the time of the battle, may be erroneous. It is this idea which creates the problem.


εἶχε, ‘was in command of . .’ δύναμιν, cp. 4. 155. The 40,000 men of this passage may be reconciled with the 60,000 of 8. 126 by the supposition that Artabazos had lost 20,000 in the siege of Poteidaia and his other operations; but the harmony is our own doing. We are in the presence of more or less independent stories, and, it may be, of independent estimates of the numbers under Artabazos' command. Each figure represents a division of 50,000, or one-sixth of the Grand Army; but, perhaps, in the one case a myriad of cavalry has been added, and in the other case subtracted, or not included. The position assigned to Artabazos in tradition makes him only a little inferior to Mardonios, and discounts the larger estimate for the latter's army. Moreover, 40,000 is just about the figure for the Makedonian and Hellenic contingent, minus the Thebans (cp. next c.), a coincidence which suggests that, if present at the battle of Plataia, he was in command of the right wing, including the Makedonians, medizing Greeks, etc. Their attitude and conduct may help to explain his.


ἀνθρώπων, as frequently; cp. Index.


εὖ ἐξεπιστάμενος: the verb is doubly reinforced, and denotes real knowledge. Artabazos was one προειδὡς πλεῦν τι, c. 41 supra, and his conduct itself (according to the story) secures the fulfilment of his previsions and predictions. ἀπό here = ἐκ, ὅκως = ὡς.


κατηρτημένως. Stein prefers the participial adverb, and understands it as meaning wohl vorbereitet, in wohl uberlegter Weise, i.e. with all due prepara tion and reflexion on his part, deliberately, of set purpose. But the words οὔτω δὴ οὐκέτι τὸν αὐτὸν κόσμον κατηγέετο below point to the meaning of the word here, whatever its form, as having a more material reference to the order and appearance of the men being led: ‘wellhung, well-adjusted, well-ordered.’ The verb καταρτάω as virtually = καταρτἱζω is curious, and in any case rare; cp 3. 80 and App. Crit. Kruger has κατηρτισμένος with active or transitive force; nachdem er sie geordnet hatte, ‘after putting them in battle-array’ (or marching array); κατηρτισμένους (Kampf-bereit, Sitzler) is of course to be taken as passive.


κατὰ τὠυτὸ ἰέναι ... τῇ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐξηγέηται κτλ. Such directions might be given by the leader of a company, but are absurd as the general orders of the eommander of a corps d'armée. κατὰ τὠυτό may mean ‘in the same way’ (merely anticipating ὅκως ... σπουδῆς), or ‘in the same direction’ (merely anticipating τῇ ... ἐξηγέηται), or it might be taken to cover both, or possibly it might have the sense of keeping together, not breaking ranks (cp. πάντας). They are to march all together, they are to follow him, and not to exceed or fall short of his pace or speed (σπουδή, cp. c. 89 infra. Mardonios had led his men δρόμῳ, c. 59 supra; Artabazos probably was leading his βάδην); and they can do all that by keeping their eyes on him (ὁρῶσι). Hdt. treats the march of 50,000 men as though it were the excursion of a small mountaineering party. The apologist may say that the general's orders were issued to his officers, myriarchs, chiliarchs; even so, they are irrational.


ὡς ἐς μάχην ... δῆθεν: apparently he led them at first in battle-array, and presumably in the direction of Plataia; but what was his starting-point? Was he on the Asopos, in command of the right? Or was he at Thebes, in command of reserves? Or was he even further away? He had been marching some time before the rout of the Persians came to his knowledge (ὁρᾷ).


προτερέων, cp. c. 57 supra. καὶ δή = ἤδη, c. 48 supra.


οὐκέτι τὸν αὐτὸνκόσμον κατηγέετο. He apparently changed from battlearray into marching order, substituting the agmen for the acies, and (ἐτρόχαζε) ‘wheeled’ round (or perhaps only ‘wheeled along,’ i.e. ran, cp. Xenoph. Anab. 7. 3. 46), fled to Phokis, with a view to reaching the ‘Hellespont.’ He had previously advocated their falling back on τὸ τεῖχος τὸ Θηβαίων. c. 41. Hellespont may here be used in the largest sense; he made for Byzantion c. 89.

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