Reginald Walter Macan, Herodotus, The Seventh, Eighth, & Ninth Books with Introduction and Commentary

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Μαρώνειαν: πόλιν Κικωνίας Steph. B. sub v. with a long history. Pliny (4. 11. 18) gives an older name Ortagurea. Μάρων Εὐάνθεος υἱός, | ἱρεὺς Ἀπόλλωνος, δς Ἴσμαρον ἀμφιβεβήκει appears as a benefactor, presenting Odysseus with twelve amphorae of strong wine (Od. 9. 197 ff.). It was a Chian colony, Scymni Perieg. 678 (Geogr. min. i. 222), and a regular tributary of Athens in Hdt.'s time (paid 1 T. 3000 Dr., raised to 10 T. for a time after the Samian War, and afterwards fixed at 3 T.). The constant importance of the place is attested by its coinage; cp. Head, H.N. pp. 215 ff. Marogna still preserves its name. (The name Μάρων at Sparta, c. 227 infra.）

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Δίκαιαν: probably the Δίκαια παρ᾽ Ἄβδηρα which the Tribute - lists so distinguish from Δίκαια Ἐρετριῶν, also in Thrace (Chalkidike), the more important place of the two.

Ἄβδηρα (τά) figures occasionally in the history of the period from 550-350 B.C. Originally a settlement from Klazomenai it had been overwhelmed by the native Thracians (Bistones?), but was successfully reestablished by the fugitive Teians in 546 B.C. (Hdt. i. 168). Timesios of Klazomenai still apparently being accounted heroic founder. Abdera was assessed at 15 T. under the Athenian regime (lowered in 425 B.C. to 10 T.). Its coinage in the fifth century, like that of Maroneia and other towns in the district, is on the Phoenician standard. Head (p. 219) ascribes this fact to “the existence in early times on the site of Abdera of a Phoenician trading-station or factory.” Might it not rather be connected with the Persian supremacy in Thrace and Makedon from 512-478 B.C.? Grassberger, however (Gr. Ortsnamen p. 233), is inclined to connect the name with ‘the Phoenician Abba= silva’ (?). τὰ περὶ Ἀβδήρου μυθευόμενα might show a connexion with Herakles (Phoenician?), and Hdt. of course puts the Phoenicians in this neigh bourhood, 6. 47. On the Ἀβδηρῖται cp. c. 120 infra.

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Ἰσμαρίδα: cp. Ἴσμαρος in note to c. 109, Strabo 331, fr. 44: “the lake does not exist now,” Rawlinson.

Βιστονίδα: cp. Strabo l.c. ᾤκησαν δ᾽ αὐτὴν (Abdera) Βίστονες Θρᾷκες, ω<*>ν Διομήδης ἦρχεν: ... ύπέρκειται δὲ τούτων (Abdera: Dikaia) ἡ Βιστονὶς λίμνη κύκλον ἔχουσα ὅσον διακοσίων σταδίων.

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Τραῦός τε καὶ Κόμψαντος: only one river now runs into the lake (Buru), doubtless the Trave (Rawlinson).

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Νέστον: Livy 45. 29. Nessus; Zonaras, Ann. 9. 28, Μέστος; cp. App. Crit. The Mesto, or Kara Su, now reaches the sea ten miles west of the supposed site of Abdera: the river was apt to flood (Strabo l.c.) and its course may have altered. Thuc. 2. 96. 4 places its sources in Rhodope.

μετὰ δὲ ταύτας τὰς χώρας ἰὼν τὰς ἠπειρώτιδας πόλις παρήιε. This sentence is not free from ambiguity. The commentators generally take it to mean ‘after these places proceeding on his march he passed the main-land cities.’ But (1) why ἰών? (2) why ἠπειρώτιδας? (3) why τάς? Stein conjectures Θασίων τὰς ἠπειρώτιδας πόλις, which seems to resolve the difficulty. The only way to give sense to the vulgate would be to take it: μετὰ δ<*>ὲ ταύτας (or μετὰ δὲ [ταύτας]) after passing these cities, χώρας ίὼν τὰς ἠπειρώτιδας marching through mainland districts πόλις παρήιε τῶν κτλ. which might be taken as a dim hint that Xerxes was marching with the centre column. So below we are told that Xerxes marched to the right (inland) of τὰς πολίας τὰς παραθαλασσίας τε καὶ Ἐλληνίδας. But χῶραι ἠπειρώτιδες can hardly be used in distinction to παραθαλασσίαι, and Stein's conjecture appears acceptable, though he has dropped it out of his own text.3

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Πίστυρος, for which there is the v.l. Πύστιρος, cp. App. Crit., can hardly be other than the city of the Κυστίριοι on the tribute-lists (assessed so far as we know but at 300 Dr.). That both forms occur in Etym. Magn. hardly disproves the identity. Steph. B. has Πίστιρον, Harpokration Πίστειρα. The name Pist-yros seems to have a connexion with Bist-ones; Steph. B. Βίστιρος πόλις Θρᾴκης ὡς Πίστιρος τὸ ἐμπόριον.