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ἀπικόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν βουλήν. The Athenian βουλή, the Athenian ἐκκλησία, are working in Salamis; this is a ‘record’ in its way—for Salamis was not strictly a part of Attica (cp. 8. 11. 13 supra); it marks again a stage in the education of the Athenians, who grasp the principle that where the Athenians are there is Athens. It is especially remarkable that the probouleutic office is discharged by the Boule of 500 (not by the Strategoi, for example, as at Samos in 412 B.C.) notwithstanding the state of war. It is just, however, conceivable that the Boule here in action was not the 500 but the Areiopagos which performed some vague services in the Persian war; cp. Aristotle, Pol. 8. 4. 8 = 1304 A, Αθ. π. 23, Plutarch, Them. 10. ἐπελθών (cp. c. 7 infra) or παρελθών (cp. 8. 81) might have been expected here in place of the less technical ἀπικόμενος.
Λυκίδης εἶπε γνώμην, ‘Lykidas moved a resolution . .’ The phrase is technically correct, γνώμην being generally dropped in the documents. Hdt. does not know, or at least does not give, the man's patronymic or Demotikon. The name Lykidas was, or became, very rare in Athens; it occurs twice in Demosthenes, (1) of a slave belonging to Chabrias, (2) of a miller (cp. Orat. Att., Baiter and Sauppe, Index ii. 91). The odd thing is that Demosthenes, de Coron. 204, tells this story, but with two important variations: (1) the traitor's name is Kyrsilos, (2) the date is before Salamis; cp. Cicero de Off. 3. 11. 2. Thirlwall (ii. 363 n.) attempts to harmonize by supposing Kyrsilos a nickname of Lykidas; but Kyrsilos is a good proper name; cp. Strabo, 530 (a Pharsalian), and C.I.G. ii. 2347 (a Naxian). Moreover, the discrepancy of date remains. Rawlinson reconciles the two stories by accepting them both as true! Grote (iv. 249 n.), while recognizing the Herodotean as the more probable of the two stories, shows the improbability of both being true; it would indeed be easier to believe that they are both fictitious—an hypothesis more creditable to the constitutional morality of the Athenians and the common humanity of their wives. The proposal ascribed to Lykidas would be ‘accursed’ (anathema) under the act of Aristeides above cited; cp. notes to 8. 144. ἐδόκεε ἄμεινον εἶναι, ‘it seemed good . .’ (not ἔδοξε, ‘it was decided.’ But Hdt.'s imperfects are not always to be rigidly pressed). δεξαμένους: cp. 8. 115 supra.
προσφέρει, not like the Pythia, cp. 4. 151, 5. 63 (a divine revelation or be best), still less like the Persian writers, 1. 3 (a reproach), but more simply, ‘brings forward . .’ But cp. App. Crit. ἐξενεῖκαι ἐς τὸν δῆμον: i.e. ‘lay before the Ekklesia,’ exactly as in 5. 79.
εἴτε δὴ δεδεγμένος χρήματα, the more plausible alternative, εἴτε καί the less. δεδεγμένος, perhaps merely to avoid repeating δεξάμενος (from just above), albeit δεδεγμένους could not be used above without a change of sense. (The passive form of p.p. with middle sense is noticeable.) Does Hdt. overlook the inconsistency of this alternative with his own statement, ce. 2, 3 supra? or has Mardonios now, being in possession of Athens, thought better of the Thebans' advice?
ἑάνδανε: cp. c. 19 infra.
οἵ τε ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ οἱ ἔξωθεν: these two classes, or groups, are comprised in Ἀθηναῖοι just before. By οἱ ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς Hdt. might have meant simply οἱ βουλευταί, ‘the members of the Council.’ Baehr's senatores qui e senatu egressi etc. goes beyond the necessary meaning of the words (though perhaps not beyond the actual facts of the ease). Nor need οἱ ἔξωθεν mean ‘those outside the Council - chamber,’ but only those outside the Bar (δρύφακτοι), exactly described by Demosthenes: l.c. τοὺς περιεστηκότας ἔξωθεν καὶ ἀκροωμένους, i.e. persons within hearing of the proceedings in the Council (Baehr unfortunately equates ἀκροωμένους there with ὡς ἐπύθοντο here!). Hdt. himself, indeed, by adding ὡς ἐπύθοντο (which of course refers only to οἱ ἔξωθεν) shows that he does not understand the Attic source, which intended οἱ ἔξωθεν περιστάντες to be taken together.
Λυκίδην κατέλευσαν βάλλοντες: to Hdt. this execution is apparently a wild act of irregular justice, an instance of ‘Lynch-law.’ On the face of it this view is unsatisfactory. Was the execution of Lykidas an instance of that summary jurisdiction which the Boule formerly por essed (cp. Ἀθ π. 41. 2, 45), or was the Boule here in question the Areiopagos? Was Lykidas stoned as ‘Anathema’ under the psephism of Aristeides (cp. 8. 144, and c. 2 supra), or, again, was there a formal psephism condemning the traitor? Lykurg. contr. Leocrat 122 ἄξιον τοίνυν ἀκοῦσαι καὶ τοῦ περὶ τοῦ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι τελευτήσαντος γενομένου ψηφίσματος, ὃν ἡ βουλή, ὅτι λόγῳ μόνῳ ἐνεχείρει προδιδόναι τὴν πόλιν, περιελομένη τοὺς στεφάνους αὐτοχειρὶ ἀπέκτεινεν. Or was this psephism passed ex post facto, to whitewash and justify the illegal execution? (Of all the orators Lykurgos is the worst as a historical authority: he even by anticipation makes the mistake, not uncommon nowadays, of confounding Pausanias ‘the King’ with Pausanias ‘the Regent’; cp. c. 128 infra.） κατέλευσαν, c. 120 infra.
τὸν δὲ ... ἀσινέα: a remarkable illustration of their respect for law, the law of nations; cp. 7. 133 supra.
αἱ γυναῖκες τῶν Ἀθηναίων: the only record of any active service by the Attic women in the war, who appear in general passive as sheep, shipped and shifted about from one place to another. It recalls the action reported on another occasion, 5. 87, of which Hdt. records: Ἀθηναίοισι δὲ ἔτι τοῦ πάθεος δεινότερόν τι δόξαι εἶναι τὸ τῶν γυναικῶν ἔργον. διακελευσαμένη: cp. 7. 16 supra.
παραλαβοῦσα: sc. γυνὴ γυναῖκα, cp. παρελάμβανε c. 1. supra. The whole construction is a kind of σχῆμα καθ᾽ ὅλον καὶ μέρος. τὴν Λυκίδεω οἰκίην: the scene is laid in Salamis: had Lykidas the Councillor a house there? Or was his house in Athens, or in Attica, and is this a slip? Should the scene have been laid in Athens, and earlier? Or, in fact, is Demosthenes right that the scene was before the battle of Salamis? It would be easier to account for the ‘Hellespontine’ in that case. But the whole story is unsatisfactory. Within a few days of this heroic scene—with its ‘No surrender’ and ‘As long as the Sun keeps his path in Heaven, or one single Athenian oitizen survive’—the Athenians sent to Sparta threatening to make terms with the king, cc. 6, 11 infra.
αὐτοκελέες is an Hapaxlegomenon = αὐτοκέλευστοι (L. & S.). κατὰ μὲν ... κατὰ δέ, a violent tmesis; cp. 8. 33.
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