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οἳ δέ: the two, three, or more. ‘named’ by Alexander. It is not said they had to be roused. Everything is wide-awake in the Athenian camp.
τὰς φυλακάς is practically here locative, and feminine, cp. cc. 44. 2, 93. 22. ἔλεγε Ἀλέξανδρος τάδε. Alexander's address is given in orat. recta. It appears to be made up in essentials out of Mardonios' in orat. obliq., c. 41 supra; the change is purely stylistic, and the one speech doubtless as unauthentic as the other. If there were anything to choose, it would not be in favour of this one. Alexander is the only speaker at this interview with the Strategoi; they supply a passive audience; it is not a conference, it is a monologue. Alexander may have spoken good Greek, with a Makedonian brogue: a few solecisms in his reported language would have lent it verisimilitude.
ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι: strictly correct, had he been addressing the Boule or Ekklesia, as in 8. 140. The ἄνδρες gains point from the ἄνθρωπος in the previous chapter. παραθήκην τίθεμαι, ‘I deposit,’ ‘I entrust,’ perhaps without recall; cp. 6. 73 π. παρατίθενται.
ἀπόρρητα ποιεύμενος: sc. τὰ ἔπεα, ‘as a solemn secret’; cp. c. 94 infra. πρὸς μηδένα λέγειν is exegetical. ἢ Παυσανίην: Pausanias is here recognized as the sole commander-inchief. The need for this strict secrecy is not apparent: so long as no one on his own side knew, Alexander was safe. When this story came up Pausanias had been called to his account and was beyond further inquiry (except by necromancy); and as none of the other Greeks had been told of the matter, owing to this solemn precaution, it was no use their saying they had never heard of it! Thus the story provides its own Apologetics!
συναπάσης τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ‘of Hellas collectively’: no mere geographical expression, cp. 7. 157. αὐτός τε γὰρ Ἕλλην γένος εἰμί: according to the story in 8. 137 aud the judgement of the Hellanodikai 5. 22. Cp. notes ad ll.c.
τὠρχαῖον: i.e. ‘originally’; cp. 1. 56 τὸ ἀρχαῖον, 1. 173 τὠρχαῖον, etc. Here = τὰ ἀνεκάθεν.
（λέγω） δὲ ὦν resumes or emphasizes the point at which he is driving; cp. 7. 145. Μαρδονίῳ τε καὶ τῇ στρατιῇ, ‘to Mardonios and his army.’
οὐ δύναται, ‘refuse,’ ‘will not,’ ‘cannot be got to . .’; cp. 7. 134. A strictly sacral non possunt. καταθύμια: cf. 5. 39, of the heart's desire. An intimate word, warmer than the καλά, ἐπιτήδεα of c. 37 supra.
γάρ, ‘(for) otherwise.’ δέδοκται: the perfect of absolute resolution, determination.
ἅμ᾽ ἡμέρῃ δὲ διαφωσκούσῃ: i.e. at dawn of day—the 12th day; cp. 3. 86 and c. 42 supra ad f. συμβολὴν ποιέεσθαι: i.e. μάχης ἄρξαι, or ἄρχειν.
καταρρώδηκε γάρ κτλ,: a clear assertion or admission of the formidable number of the Greek forces. There was no need for conjecture about the view of Mardonios; he has expressly stated it c. 41 supra (ex hyp. to Artabazos!).
ἄρα, ‘as is not likely’: of the less probable alternative cp. 7. 10, etc.
μὴ ποιέηται: the negative here seems to coalesce with the verb to form a single idea, the conditional ἤν being remote (but not so clearly as in cases where οὐ might be used). λιπαρέετε: a word put again into Alexander's mouth, 5. 19. ὀλιγέων γάρ σφι ἡμερέων λείπεται σιτία. If this statement were true, it would supply another good ground for the impatience of Mardonios to do battle. It is contrary, and even contradictory, to the statement in c. 41 supra, and looks like either a deliberate lie on the part of Alexander (hardly in the spirit of the piece), or an oversight on the part of Hdt. Rawlinson thought this statement could not be true. Stein limits it to ‘the magazines on the Asopos,’ but admits there was plenty in Thebes. Blakesley refuted this point of contrast by anticipation: “With the superiority in cavalry ... it would have been perfectly easy to maintain uninterrupted communication between Thebes and the army in camp.”
ἢν δὲ ... τελευτήσῃ: an end to the war acceptable to the Greeks was in sight; on the Persian side victory was anything but assured. This is the fifth clear admission of the fact as recognized before the event; cp. cc. 41-42 supra. The ‘hedging’ of Alexander, as a fact, is the real evidence.
τινά: cp. 8. 109. ἐλευθερώσιος πέρι: this suggestion that Alexander pleaded beforehand with the Athenians for deliverance from the Persian at their hands is in the true style of Attic afterthought. The Athenians are the ‘liberators’ from the Persian, and not from the Persian alone, cp. 8. 142. (But in Makedon, or at least in Thrace, the Spartans are by and by to bring ‘liberty’ from the Athenians; cp. Thuc. 4. 85.)
Ἑλλήνων εἵνεκα: Alexander is moved by the best motives, thinking mainly of the general interests. οὕτω Stein takes with παράβολον, cp. 7. 46, where, however, no word intervenes between οὕτω (bis) on the one hand and the adjective (and subst.) on the other. παράβολον: bold, hazardous, reckless. Also of persons, Aristoph. Wasps 192, Diodor. 19. 3. 2 “φιλοκίνδυνος . . καὶ παράβολος ἐν ταῖς μάχαις”. ἔργασμαι ὑπὸ προθ.: cp. c. 37.
διάνοιαν (cp. 8. 97): the plan to attack on the following morning.
ἵνα μή κτλ. The concern of Alexander lest the Greeks should be taken unawares is a doubtful compliment, and an inconsequence. According to the context, they had been for ten days facing the Persians in battle-array, and anxious that the enemy should cross the Asopos and attack them; on the morrow they were to have their wish at last. ἐξαίφνης is (1) a doubtful form for ἐξαπίνης, as in 1. 74, 87; (2) omitted in one group of MSS.; (3) tautologous and gloss-like in this passage.
εἰμὶ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ Μακεδών: Alexander in thus announcing himself appears to forget that Aristeides and the men of Athens were thoroughly familiar with his appearance, if only from his embassy to Athens in the previous winter; cp. 8. 136 ff. The two stories are of course from independent sources (though both Atticist). The historical credibility of this interview is not high. Certainly, if any such interview or communication took place between Alexander of Makedon and the Athenian Strategoi, the gist and purport of it were widely different from this report. Possibly there was at Plataia some kind of understanding between the Makedonian and the Athenians. He had been to Athens, or to Salamis, a while before, and may have seen reason to think that Mardonios had anything but an easy task before him. To play off the Greeks and the Persians against each other was the obvious policy of Makedon. The Athenians may have used the opportunity to come to an understanding with the king. He may have had information of the troubles in Asia (revolt of Babylon, etc.). The remarkable success with which, in the subsequent battle, the Athenians dispose of 50,000 men opposed to them, and their comparative immunity during the occupation of ‘the second position,’ suggest the idea that matters were not pressed against them. For that they may have had to thank Alexander, who was posted on the Persian right.
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