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δῆθεν shows the statement is false; cf. 73. 5. The πολυθρύλητον αἴτημα (Plat. Rep. 566 B) for a bodyguard was the first step to tyranny. στρατηγίῃ. H. probably uses this word in a non-technical sense, but even if he meant it to be technical, it would prove nothing; he is often anachronistic in his constitutional details; cf. vi. 109 n. There is no evidence for the existence of the στρατηγοί before Cleisthenes, except in the more than suspicious ‘Constitution of Draco’ (A. P. 4); if they existed, they were mere subordinates of the Polemarch. For the tyrant owing his rise to distinction in war cf. Ar. Pol. v. 5. 6-8 (1305 A) with Newman's note. For the chronology of the wars with Megara cf. Busolt, ii. 217 seq. Some (e. g. Sayce) have supposed that H. makes here a mistake similar to that as to Croesus and Solon (cf. c. 29 nn.), introducing Pisistratus into a war that really belongs to the previous generation. Others (e. g. Beloch, i. 327) make Pisistratus the conqueror of Salamis, not Solon; but apart from Solon's own poems (frags. 2 and 3) all tradition gives the conquest to the older man. It is more natural therefore to suppose that the Megarian war, victoriously ended by Solon (Plut. Sol. 10), had been renewed during the confusion at Athens that followed his legislation (cf. A. P. 13), or perhaps even before his legislation, as Plutarch (c. 12) definitely states, and that the struggle with Megara was finally ended by Pisistratus; Justin, ii. 8, describes the capture of Nisaea by him, though without naming the town. The inscription discovered in 1884 may perhaps refer to the settlement of Salamis after the conquest by Pisistratus; but others date it at the end of the sixth century (cf. Hicks, pp. 6-7; Busolt, ii. 444 n. 2).
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